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【分享】抵御诱惑何其难

【分享】抵御诱惑何其难

ECONOMIST PATIENCE, PATIENCE

 
By Tim Harford
Wednesday, December 06, 2006
 
 
One of my young daughter's favourite bedtime stories is A Birthday for Frances by Russell Hoban. I like it too, for the charming illustrations, hilarious dialogue and instruction in cutting-edge behavioural economics.

Frances, the story's young heroine, secures an advance on her pocket money in order to buy bubblegum and a Chompo bar as a birthday present for her little sister, Gloria. Yet as she returns with her father from the sweet shop, Chompo bar in hand, Frances begins to think of all kinds of reasons why she, not Gloria, should eat the chocolate.

"You would not eat Gloria's Chompo bar, would you?" asks her father, anxiously. "It is not Gloria's yet," replies Frances, but the reply is muffled because she is already chewing on Gloria's bubblegum.


Traditional economists would read Frances's behaviour as purely Machiavellian: she lied to her parents to get her hands on chocolate that she never dreamed of giving to her sister. Most normal people would take a kinder view of Frances's failings: she intended to give the candy to Gloria but when it was actually in her hands, the temptation to eat it herself became overwhelming.

Mainstream economics has no way to describe Frances's behaviour because it describes people as being impatient in a consistent way: if I would rather have £110 on January 6 than £100 on January 5, then logically I would always be happy to wait a day for a gain of 10 per cent, and I would rather have £110 tomorrow than £100 now.

Most people do not actually behave like this... The "now" has a strong pull, and almost everybody says they are happy to wait a day at some future time, but not today. They would prefer £100 today than £110 tomorrow, and while they say they would prefer £110 on January 6, come January 5 if you ask them again they will change their minds, just as Frances did.

It is possible to formulate such preferences in economic models - in fact, this year's Nobel laureate, Edmund Phelps, did so in a paper with Robert Pollak in 1968 - but they have only recently flowered into a full set of explorations and calibrations by economists such as David Laibson of Harvard, and Matthew Rabin.

One of the results is that we have a sense of just how strong the pull of the "now" actually is. The answer is that anything on offer right now is worth half as much again as it would otherwise be; that also means that any immediate cost, such as the pain of going to the gym, is similarly inflated. Of course the costs will vary across people and across temptations, but that seems to be a consistent finding.

These insights can be used to help people make better decisions. For example, the economist Richard Thaler has proposed a plan called "Save More Tomorrow", in which employees make commitments to contribute to their pensions not now, but later. Early trials show dramatic success in increasing contributions.

In that particular case it seems obvious that Professor Thaler helps people make the decisions they really want to make. But not all such pre-commitment devices are as successful: just think of the people who subscribe to gyms and never exercise, or highbrow journals they never read.

So we are still far from understanding how much sophisticated people will or should plan to deal with their own likely failings. Frances was perhaps too young to realise that when the Chompo bar was in her hand, she would submit to temptation. Sometimes the rest of us do better; sometimes not.

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最后编辑2006-12-06 09:24:51.090000000
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抵御诱惑何其难

 
英国《金融时报》专栏作家蒂姆•哈福德(Tim Harford)
2006年12月6日 星期三
 
 
拉塞尔•霍本(Russell Hoban)的《弗朗西斯的生日》(A Birthday for Frances)是我小女儿睡前最爱读的故事之一。我也很喜欢里面漂亮的插图、好玩的对话以及对前沿行为经济学的解释。

为了给妹妹格洛里亚(Gloria)买泡泡糖和Chompo巧克力当生日礼物,故事的小主人公弗朗西斯提前得到了自己的零花钱。然而,当弗朗西斯拿着Chompo巧克力和父亲从糖果店回家时,她开始想各种各样的理由:为什么应该是她来吃巧克力,而不是格洛里亚。

她父亲担心地问:“你不会吃格洛里亚的巧克力,是吧?”弗朗西斯答道:“现在它还不是格洛里亚的呢,”但她的回答有些含混,因为她已经在嚼着格洛里亚的泡泡糖了。


传统经济学家会把弗朗西斯的行为解读为纯粹的功利主义:她向父母撒谎,从而得到了巧克力,她从未想过要把它送给妹妹。多数“正常人”则对弗朗西斯的过失持更为友善的看法:她本打算将糖果送给格洛里亚,但当东西真在自己手里时,无法抗拒自己享用的诱惑。

主流经济学无法描述弗朗西斯的行为,因为它将人们描述为总是不耐心:如果我宁愿在1月6日得到110英镑,而不是在1月5日得到100英镑,那么从逻辑上讲,我总是会乐意等上一天,获得另外的10%,我宁愿明天得到110英镑,而不是今天得到100英镑。

实际上,多数人并不是这样……“现在”有着强大的吸引力,几乎所有人都会说,他们乐意未来某个时间等上一天,而不是今天。他们宁愿今天得到100英镑,也不愿明天得到110英镑,尽管他们表示更愿意在1月6日得到110英镑,但到了1月5日,如果你再问起他们时,他们会改变自己的想法,就像弗朗西斯所做的那样。

在经济模型中,有可能用公式来表示这种偏好——实际上,今年的诺贝尔奖得主埃德蒙•菲尔普斯(Edmund Phelps)在1968年与罗伯特•波拉克 (Robert Pollak)合作撰写的一篇论文中就采取了这种做法——但直到最近,才由哈佛大学(Harvard)的戴维•莱布森(David Laibson)和马修•雷宾(Matthew Rabin)等经济学家将其发展为一整套的研究与考量标准。

其中一个研究结果是,我们了解到了“现在”有着多么强的吸引力。答案是,现在能够得到的东西,其价值是其它时间得到它的一倍半;这还意味着,任何直接成本(比如现在前往健身馆的痛苦)都被放大了。当然,这种成本因人而异,也因吸引力的不同而有所差异,但这似乎是个一致的发现。

这些洞见可以帮助人们作出更好的决策。例如,经济学家理查德•塔勒(Richard Thaler)提出了一个名为“明天储蓄更多”(Save More Tomorrow)的计划,雇员会承诺以后缴存养老金,而非现在。初期的实验表明,这种做法在扩大缴存比例方面获得了巨大成功。

在这个特殊的例子中,塔勒教授似乎显然是帮助人们做出了他们真正想做的决定。但并非所有这种预先承诺的方法都如此成功:只要想想那些办卡健身却从来没去锻炼的人,或者那些订了高雅杂志、却从未读过的人就清楚了。

因此,我们仍远未了解,那些成熟得多的人们,会如何或应该如何应对他们自己可能出现的过失。弗朗西斯或许还太小,意识不到当Chompo巧克力到了她手里的时候,她会屈从于这种诱惑。而我们之中的其他人,有时会比她做得好些;有时则并非如此。

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