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【推荐】澳门政府赌赢了?

【推荐】澳门政府赌赢了?

GOVERNMENT GAMBLE ON GROWTH PAYS OFF

 
By Tom Mitchell
Tuesday, June 19, 2007
 
 
Even the most gifted comic novelist would struggle to do justice to Macao and the cast of characters who have flocked to what is now the world's largest gambling market.

In the five years since the former Portuguese colony's gaming industry was liberalised, ending Stanley Ho's 40-year monopoly over the sector, gambling revenues have grown 155 per cent – from $2.7bn in 2002 to $6.9bn last year – when Macao eclipsed the Las Vegas strip as the gambling capital of the world.

Over the same period the number of casinos operating in the Chinese special administrative region, situated an hour's ferry ride west of Hong Kong, increased from 11 to 25, and includes new properties built by some of the world's best known gaming companies including Sheldon Adelson's Las Vegas Sands, Steve Wynn's Wynn Resorts and James Packer's Publishing and Broadcasting. MGM will enter the market later this year with the opening of its first Macao casino.

“None of us has ever been in a place that has been developing so fast,” says Gabriel Donleavy, dean of the University of Macau's business school. “It's like you're living in a spaceship, in a way, because of the pace of acceleration.”

Like all gold rushes, Macao has attracted a raucous and colourful community. At the top of the territory's social ladder, Mr Ho, Mr Adelson and Mr Wynn are all evidence of the gaming industry's ability to produce some of the most intriguing bosses in the business world.

Mr Ho is popularly known as the “King of Macao” and appears to take the nickname very seriously. Last month the Hong Kong-born tycooon paid $1.76m for the 17th century throne of Kangxi, a Manchu emperor who ruled China for 61 years. He intends to display the cultural treasure in his Grand Lisboa casino, a neon and glass structure designed in the shape of a lotus flower and bulb.

Mr Ho's fourth wife, Angela Leong, is an unlikely member of Macao's legislative assembly. Also a fixture on Macao and Hong Kong's high-society circuits, Ms Leong is shadowed by a bodyguard who totes both a firearm and his employer's latest Louis Vuitton handbag.

Other people about town include a motley crew of young American entrepreneurs on the make, seeking their fortunes in a city that is trying to build in 10 years what Las Vegas did in 40, and even Kim Jong-nam, the eldest son of North Korean dictator Kim Jong-il. Kim junior is a frequent visitor to the territory, where his ex-wife and two children reside.

According to one friend of the family, Mr Kim's fondness for Macao dates back to at least 2001, when he was caught trying to enter Japan – ostensibly to visit Tokyo Disneyland – on a fake Dominican Republic passport. Humiliated, the dictator's son sought refuge in Macao until the furore blew over. “He couldn't go home after that,” says the family friend.

At the other end of Macao's social spectrum, priests, nuns and social workers run schools, hospitals and shelters in a community where the social welfare network is patchy at best. Such volunteers tend to have a different perspective on the effects that so much investment pouring in so fast is having on so small a community.

While Macao's casino industry has tripled in size in the seven years since China resumed sovereignty over the territory in December 1999 – and tourist arrivals have more than doubled to 22m annually – the city's population has increased by just 20 per cent to 513,000.

Companies across the territory are struggling to attract and retain workers, yet local interest groups are up in arms at labour imports – legal and illegal – creating a vicious cycle that is ratcheting up the pressure on Macao's infrastructure.

“We need a U-turn,” says Paul Poon, a social worker, educator and director of Caritas, a Catholic social services agency. “We can't develop casinos at this speed forever. We need to slow down.”

“There was always going to be this issue of how the locals perceive Macao's success and how the outside world perceives Macao's success,” adds Grant Chum, head of conglomerates research with UBS in Hong Kong.

“There just aren't enough people in Macao and [the casino industry's growth] is distorting the social matrix. You've also created huge speculation in the Macao property market.”

Even industry participants agree that the pace of investment is putting enormous strain on Macao's inadequate transport network and tiny labour market.

“In the space of 18 months, everything has gone beserk,” says Sean Monaghan, head of gaming research at Merrill Lynch. “How do you bring forward the build-out of infrastructure? The sooner you deal with this, the lower the operational risk.”

Stephen Weaver, Las Vegas Sands' vice-president for Asia, says: “The transformation of Macao relies on having a sufficient supply of labour. We think there's no question that when we employ someone [from Macao] we take them off another employer.”

The strains Macao is experiencing are rooted in the government's decision to double the number of casino licences from three to six.

In 2002 concessions were awarded to the incumbent, Mr Ho, whose Sociedade de Turismo e Diversoes de Macau had monopolised the industry for 40 years; Wynn Resorts; and a joint venture partnership between Lui Che-woo, a Hong Kong construction materials and property tycoon, and Mr Adelson's Las Vegas Sands.

According to current and former executives at both companies, Mr Lui and Mr Adelson's venture quickly ran into difficulties. In addition to their considerable egos, both men had fundamentally different visions of the business they were building.

Because the licence resided with Mr Lui's Galaxy Entertainment, the Hong Kong tycoon was in the driver's seat and Mr Adelson “was prepared to walk”.

From the Macao government's point of view, his exit would have been the worst possible outcome. The government wanted Mr Adelson's convention expertise – he started the world-famous Comdex computer trade show in 1979 – to help transform Macao from a down-at-heel market for day-tripping punters to a world-class convention, entertainment and gaming destination. The Sands was therefore granted a “sub-concession” and allowed to go its own way.

But that decision presented Macao with yet another dilemma. “When Mr Wynn started he was one of three,” says Grant Bowie, president and general manager of Wynn Macau. “[The government's decision] created four operators. They solved a problem but also created others.”

Mr Chum, at UBS, calls it a “classic case of unintended consequences”.

To mollify Mr Wynn and Mr Ho, both were allowed to sell one sub-concession apiece. Both went to joint ventures involving Mr Ho's children, giving Macao's most powerful family three of the six licences. A joint venture between Mr Ho's daughter, Pansy, and MGM paid the tycoon $200m for his sub-concession in April 2005. A year later, another joint venture pairing Mr Ho's eldest son, Lawrence, with Mr Packer's PBL paid Wynn resorts $900m for its sub-concession.

The Wynn transaction was a huge coup. In a single stroke, the Las Vegas mogul recouped three-quarters of the cost of his first Macao property – the $1.2bn Wynn Macau, which opened last September. Lawrence Ho, however, is confident that he and PBL did not overpay for the last seat in the house. “I think the price MGM and Pansy paid was not a market price,” he says. “It was a ‘friendly insider' price.”

The windfalls reaped by Mr Wynn and, to a lesser extent, Stanley Ho were controversial in their own right. “The right to operate casinos belongs to Macao,” observes Mr Chum. “It doesn't belong to the licence holders. The benefit [from the sub-concession sales] has accrued to the concessionaires rather than the people of Macao.”

Others defend the Macao government's history of pragmatic policy adjustments, noting that Mr Wynn and Mr Lui did not open their first flagship Macao properties until the second half of last year. Stanley Ho's Grand Lisboa was inaugurated only in February.

Mr Adelson, by contrast, opened the Sands Macao in May 2004, demonstrating the depth of the territory's mass-market. And his $2.3bn Venetian, which opens in August, will be the territory's first full-scale “integrated resort”.

Without Sands pushing the envelope, they argue, Macao's development would have been nowhere as rapid as it has been. “We're not very cautious people,” says Mr Weaver. “If we were afraid of risk we wouldn't be here.”
最后编辑2007-06-21 18:36:43
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澳门政府赌赢了?

 
作者:英国《金融时报》汤姆•米切尔(Tom Mitchell)
2007年6月19日 星期二
 
 
即便是最有天赋的喜剧小说家,恐怕也难以对如今全球最大的博彩市场——澳门和蜂拥到此的各色人等做出逼真的描述。

这个前葡萄牙殖民地5年前开始开放博彩业市场,结束了何鸿燊对该行业长达40年的垄断。5年来,澳门博彩业收入增长了155%,从2002年的27亿美元增至去年的69亿美元,令澳门一举超过拉斯维加斯大道,成为全球博彩之都。

在此期间,在这个位于香港以西一小时船程的中国特别行政区,营业的赌场数量从11家增至25家,其中一些是由全球最著名的博彩公司新建的,包括谢尔登•埃德森(Sheldon Adelson)的拉斯维加斯金沙(Las Vegas Sands)、史蒂夫•韦恩(Steve Wynn)的永利度假村(Wynn Resorts)以及詹姆斯•帕克(James Packer)的澳洲出版广播公司(Publishing and Broadcasting)。美高梅(MGM)也将于今年年底进入这一市场,开设它在澳门的首个赌场。

澳门大学工商管理学院院长唐理维(Gabriel Donleavy)表示:“我们谁都没有到过发展得如此之快的地方。简直就有点像是生活在宇宙飞船里,因为加速度太快了。”

就像所有的淘金热一样,澳门吸引了五花八门的各色群体。何鸿燊、埃德森和韦恩位于这一地区社会阶层的顶端,他们都是博彩业催生商界最迷人老板能力的明证。

人们普遍将何鸿燊称作“澳门赌王”,他本人似乎对这个绰号也很当真。上个月,这位香港出生的大亨出资176万美元,买下了曾统治中国61年的满清皇帝康熙坐过的一把龙椅。何鸿燊打算把这件文化珍品放在他的新葡京酒店(Grand Lisboa)展出。新葡京酒店是一栋玻璃霓虹灯建筑,外形犹如一朵盛开的莲花。

看似不可能的是,何鸿燊的四太太梁安琪(Angela Leong)还是澳门立法会的议员。与澳门和香港所有上流社会的人一样,梁安琪身边始终有一个保镖,既拿枪,也帮她拎LV手袋。

其他到“赌城”来的人,还包括各式各样成长中的年轻美国企业家,到这个打算用10年时间走完拉斯维加斯40年路程的城市寻找自己的出路。甚至连朝鲜独裁者金正日(Kim Jong-il)的长子金正男(Kim Jong-nam)也是澳门的常客,他的前妻和两个孩子都住在这里。

据金氏家族的一位友人介绍,金正男与澳门结缘至少要追溯到2001年。当时他手持伪造的多米尼加共和国护照,试图以参观东京迪斯尼乐园的名义进入日本,结果被识破。蒙羞的金正男到澳门寻求避难,直到风波平息。“在那之后他没法回家,”金氏家族的这位朋友说。

在澳门社会阶层分布图的另一端,则是经营学校、医院及难民营的牧师、修女和社工等。澳门的社会福利网络往好里说也是乱糟糟的。对如此多的投资如此快速地流入这么一个小地方会产生何种影响,这些志愿者往往持有不同的看法。

在1999年12月中国恢复对澳门行使主权后的七年中,澳门的博彩业规模已扩大到原来的三倍,每年来访的游客人数也已倍增,达到每年2200万人,但这个城市的人口只增加了20%,现为51.3万人。

澳门各地的公司都难以吸引和留住工人,但当地的利益团体却极力反对引进劳动力——无论是合法的还是或非法的,这形成了一个恶性循环,正日渐加大对澳门基础设施的压力。

身为澳门天主教社会福利机构明爱(Caritas)总干事的社工兼教育家潘志明(Paul Poon)表示:“我们需要180度的大转弯。我们不可能永远以这样的速度发展赌场。我们需要放慢速度。”

“总是会存在这样的问题:当地人如何理解澳门的成功?外部世界又如何看待澳门的成功?”瑞士银行(UBS)驻香港的大企业集团研究负责人格兰特•查姆(Grant Chum)补充说。

“澳门人口不足,(博彩业的增长)扭曲了社会母体。还导致了澳门房产市场严重的投机现象。”

甚至连博彩业内人士也认为,目前的投资步伐给澳门不充分的运输网络和微小的劳动力市场带来了极大压力。

“在18个月内,一切都疯狂了起来,”美林公司(Merrill Lynch)博彩研究负责人肖恩•莫纳罕(Sean Monaghan)说。“如何进行基础设施的扩呢?这个问题越早得到处理,经营的风险就越小。”

拉斯维加斯金沙的亚洲副总裁史蒂芬•维弗(Stephen Weaver)表示:“澳门的转变依赖于有足够的劳动力供应。我们认为,毫无疑问,我们(在澳门)雇人的时候,是在从别的雇主手中挖人。”

澳门正在承受的压力,根源来自政府决定将赌场经营牌照从3个增至6个。

2002年,澳门的3个博彩经营牌照分别批给了何鸿燊——他旗下的澳门旅游娱乐公司(Sociedade de Turismo e Diversoes de Macau)曾垄断该行业达40年;永利度假村;以及香港建材及地产大亨吕志和(Lui Che-woo)与埃德森旗下拉斯维加斯金沙的合资企业。

据吕志和与埃德森两家公司的前任及现任高管称,双方合资企业很快陷入了困境。除了他们各自都颇为自负外,两个人对于他们正在建立的业务的远期设想也存在根本差异。

由于牌照的所有权归吕志和的银河娱乐(Galaxy Entertainment)所有,因此这位香港大亨坐在了驾驶席上,而埃德森则“准备下车走路”。

从澳门政府的角度看,埃德森的退出将是最糟糕的结局。政府希望利用埃德森在展会方面的知识——他在1979年创办了世界著名的电脑展,帮助把澳门从一个适合短程赌徒的邋遢市场,发展成一个全球一流的会展、娱乐和博彩旅游目的地。于是,金沙集团获得了一张“次级经营权牌照”,获准自行经营。

但这一决定让澳门再次面临两难抉择。“在韦恩进来的时候,他是三家中的一家,”永利澳门酒店主席兼总经理格兰特•鲍伊(Grant Bowie)说。“(政府的决定)创造了四家运营商。他们解决了一个问题,却带来了其它问题。”

瑞士银行的查姆称之为“无意识后果的经典案例。”

为了安抚韦恩和何鸿燊,他们各自获准出售一张次级经营权牌照。两张牌照都发给了与何鸿燊子女相关的合资企业,使得这个澳门最强大的家族获得了六张牌照中的三张。2005年4月,何鸿燊之女何超琼(Pansy)与美高梅组建的合资企业,以2亿美元从何鸿燊手中买下了次级经营权牌照。一年后,何鸿燊长子何犹龙(Lawrence)与帕克旗下PBL的合资公司,以9亿美元买下了从永利度假村次级经营权牌照。

永利的交易是个巨大的成功。单凭此笔交易,这个拉斯维金斯巨头就收回了他首个澳门物业——12亿的澳门永利——三分之二的成本。澳门永利在去年9月开业。但何犹龙确信,他和PBL并没有为最后一个席位支付过高价格。他表示:“我认为美高梅和何超琼支付的价格不是市场价,而是‘友好内部'价。”

韦恩(退一步说也包括何鸿燊)获得的暴利引起了各界争议。查姆的看法是:“赌场经营权属于澳门,不属于牌照持有者。但(出售次级经营权牌照)的好处给了牌照所有者,而没有给澳门人民。”

其他人则为澳门政府务实的政策调整进行了辩护。他们指出,韦恩和吕志和在澳门的首个旗舰物业知道去年下半年才开业,而何鸿燊的新葡京酒店在今年2月才开业。

相比之下,埃德森的澳门金沙(Sands Macao) 在2004年5月就开业了,充分展示了澳门大众市场的深度。他投资23亿美元、将于今年8月开业的威尼斯人(Venetian)将是澳门首个彻底的“综合度假村”。

辩护人士认为,若没有金沙的拓展,澳门的发展绝不会这么快。维弗表示:“我们并不是十分谨慎的人。如果我们害怕风险,那么就不会来这里了。”
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